The education of John Boehner

It may have looked like chaos at times, but House Speaker John Boehner got what he wanted from a five-day debate on a bill that 61 billion U.S. dollars would be cut from the budget this year and setting up a showdown with President Barack Obama Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-Nev.) in the two weeks before the government any more money on March 4.

The new speaker turned his legion of loose tea party for an epic first battle lines and the Republicans gave free rein to go after all aspects of government operations. The new GOP majority responded by targeting dozens of federal programs for the cuts, including Planned Parenthood, the new health law, and even an engine for the Joint Strike Fighter military benefits that Boehner of Ohio, the home region. Democrats joined in the action, with members of both parties to combine to 583 amendments to write.

It was not beautiful, it was not on track and it was not the least bit predictable.

But it was pure Boehner.

Long before he took the reins of the House on January 5 Boehner began promising that he entered the house back to the more freewheeling roots. About five days there was confusion - even mayhem - on the floor when first learned of the legislative process first and veterans dusted their debate skills. Republicans were divided factions and at times created a number of amendments - including one that would cut 22 billion U.S. dollars more than GOP leaders wanted.

"I am proud of this moment," a relaxed and confident Boehner said late Friday. "This is diving off the 50-foot diving board your first dive."

Of course, this all backfire on the road on other issues if GOP factions break away or take their first taste of freedom too far and kill a bill, an embarrassing party trying to create an image of unity of the American public project.

But Boehner insists that the experience would prove a boon for its 87 freshmen, more than 40 of whom have never served in public office before.

"By participating in this accelerates their development as legislators," Boehner said late Friday night, holding court with a handful of reporters just outside the living room. "Just putting together an amendment is in order, as a freshman, that's a pretty difficult task to get through."

The Ohio Republican described last week as the opening act in a drive to decentralize power in the House, to move away from the office of the speaker and the leadership after decades of creeping control of the chamber in fewer hands.

"We continue to feel our way through, but I am determined a process as open as we can, while considering we have 435 members and we have to our business," said Boehner.

Even some veteran Democrats praised what was the most open and expansive floor fight the Court had seen in years.

"After so little transparency that we had, it's a very big change, the refreshing, and I think it's a good thing," said Rep. John Dingell (D-Mich.), the dean of the House and a member of Congress since 1955. "We'll see if the members like it."

The debate dragged for more than four days, surprising even Boehner, who promised a more open and inclusive House when he took the gavel of the speaker, Democrat Nancy Pelosi. There were dozens of votes - more than 80 more on Friday night, come including final passage of legislation in the early morning hours Saturday.

After all this, the bill is not expected to be ever the law, thanks to the resistance of Obama and Reid.

But to Boehner, that was not the point.

"There is no example of the people's House is better than what we've seen the last few days," Boehner said in his impromptu, 20-minute press conference.

"If we are able to proceed with a process as open as we can have, it will drive significant change throughout the institution. Driving back to work in the committees, members work together. We're still in our debates, but I would argue that an open process that respects the work of the committees, you will see more members working across the aisle and you will see healthy debate here. "

Boehner refused to explain what his intentions were, if the Senate, as expected, refuses to incorporate the House-approved funding resolution. Without a new funding measure in place, the federal government to close on March 4. Congress suspend the week-long President's Day recess after the House completes work on the CR, and both sides have upped the partisan rhetoric over who would be responsible for such insurance. Boehner expressed no concern about the tight deadline during a session with reporters Friday.

"You'll know soon enough," said Boehner.

But Boehner said that the only people talking about a shutdown are Harry Reid and Nancy Pelosi. "

Pelosi a resolution on Friday to keep open government, the current funding levels until March 31, POLITICO reported.

As much as anything, the wide open treatment of a spending bill that reflects the values of institutional Boehner, that delivers on a promise to restructure the House for making cuts, empower the rank and file - rather than party leaders - to policy to control and give the public more clearly understand the priorities of their elected representatives.

It will also help build political Boehner receipts with junior legislators and their confidence, something critical in dealing with the mammoth tea party inspired freshman class. By giving more freedom to fear Republicans these amendments pushing may Boehner able to meet these legislators go on the road and a voice to persuade them when it really is time to compromise, the trade-off that Ohio Republican has learned to do well during his time in parliament.

"It was only 20 years of watching leaders turn the process, turn the process, turn the process in an attempt to reconfigure all the rules so they look to pass the leadership agenda," said Boehner. "That's not my job."

Boehner also thought it was not his job to the House conducted in the miserly way Pelosi or his GOP predecessor, President Dennis Hastert (Ill.) and Newt Gingrich (Georgia).

"My job is the kind of look over the horizon, make sure we know where we're going, make sure that the team working together," said Boehner.

Not everyone liked the result: Pelosi and other top Democrats say the cuts envisioned by Boehner and House Republican allies would cripple services that are important for the powerless in American society and hinders the nation's economic recovery.

One Republican, Rep. Steve King of Iowa, was furious that his leadership would give him a waiver to offer out-of-order an amendment that would have annihalated all aspects of healthcare law. He enlisted former Speaker Newt Gingrich's (R-Ga.) help in lobbying GOP leaders for a break, they were not willing to grant. Gingrich later withdrew his support for King in response to complaints from Boehner's office, Republican insiders said.

The tension between promoting an open process, a Boehner priority, and keeping the house on a tight schedule, one would dispute the domain of House Majority Leader Eric Cantor (R-Va.), between the top two GOP leaders .

"I think everybody recognized that allowing all members to go through this exercise, this debate was more important than hitting some timetable, Boehner said.

Since he was booted off the lead after the 1998 elections, Boehner has the strength is his ability to chart a methodical strategy and execution. He slowly built up aa new reputation as a legislator, authorized during the early days of George W. Bush administration to the education law known as No Child Left Behind shepherd and later as the main player in the rewrite of pension laws.

During the rise of former House Majority Leader Tom DeLay (R-Texas), the man who forced the leadership ladder Boehner, the Ohio Republican built a base of friends and allies who also chafed under DeLay's authoritarian rule.

For years, Boehner studied the institution and how its power could be decentralized. He was stable when another set of GOP leaders have reached the level of the exercise of the authority that the objectives of their own members frustrated and then-minority Democrats. Minority leader in the last Congress, Boehner developed and stuck to the message that Democratic leaders were to ignore unemployment and exploding deficits in the interest of promoting an ideological agenda.

Fellow Republicans quietly mocked his "Where are the jobs?" Mantra is inadequate. But if unemployment did not fall, Boehner message began to resonate with the constituency.

Now, after authorizing his own vision for running the House to carry out, Boehner is leading on the theory that both the nation, his party and his own fortune shall flourish like the house is allowed, for the most part, to it will work.

"I have a vision for what I think the role of the federal government should or should not be and I can do this in terms of what is on the floor exercise," he said. "When it comes to the floor, members should be able to have that debate, these decisions on their own. It is not about reaching my will."